The 2018 governor race in Georgia has tightened, with the Democratic and Republican candidates running neck and neck in the polls. Republicans, who have won every governor's election in the state since 2002, may see their luck run out.
The tightness of the race could be due to a desire for Medicaid expansion in the State, shifting demographics, or an aversion to Trump. Whatever the reason, Georgia could be on the hills of electing its first African American female governor.
Stacy Abrams, the African American Democratic nominee, has been running a race Georgians can be proud of. She supports expanding Medicaid to help save rural hospitals and wants to lure jobs to isolated areas that have not benefited from the economic recovery. In addition, she favors criminal justice reform to help rehabilitate non-violent offenders and not throw away the key.
Abrams' focus on families has also captured the hearts of Georgians. In addition to Medicaid expansion, she intends to reach out to juvenile offenders with programs to help keep them off the streets. Abrams also plans to expand Pre-K, reduce welfare rolls by providing jobs in hard-hit areas, and chip away at the high school dropout rate, especially among African American boys and rural youth. She believes it will improve the family unit and lead to safer neighborhoods.
But above all, the campaign represents a breath of fresh air or an alternative to the old boy network. She speaks candidly about the issues and doesn't rely on business, as usual, to get things done. She has worked across the aisle with the GOP to save scholarships for deserving youth and improve transportation in crucial areas. She is also a young woman who embodies the Twenty-First Century or the emerging new Georgia that is business/tech-savvy and cares nothing about the State's segregationist past.
Maybe with the backing from Georgians of all walks of life, she can defeat her Republican challenger, Brian Kemp, who is seen as a throwback to Georgia's ugly past.
Wednesday, September 26, 2018
Saturday, September 1, 2018
Crisis in Black America
Do you ever feel that the black community is at war with itself or we are our worst enemy?
I live in Atlanta, Georgia, the so-called black mecca, where I see things that contradict the supposed unity among us. I see it not just in the workplace or the home but in everyday life, from rude store clerks to a mass transit system that fails people of color. Blacks have also been pushed out of the city in record numbers despite black administrations. I could go on for days with other examples of dysfunction in our community, such as the scrounge of black-on-black crime.
But one should not jump to conclusions when it comes to violence in the black community. Most of it stems from disrespect either from other African Americans or those outside the community. The legacy of Jim Crow, for instance, has been flipped to make it seem as though we are the problem, and it never fails or even leads to issues like colorism.
Colorism, stamped out during the black and proud Sixties and Seventies, has risen again in the Twenty-First Century. Young black men often discredit dark skinned African American women on social media or refuse to date them in response to a baseless claim that lighter complexion is somehow superior, some say fueled by the Hip Hop culture. It has even begun to affect older generations of African Americans or how we interact with one another in business and dating.
What has caused this resurgence in our community that light skin is superior to darker skin? Some blame the Rap industry for the preponderance of fairer skin African American men and women portrayed in videos and on popular T.V. programs like Love and Hip Hop that present their standard of beauty. Others simply think it's an unfortunate outcome of slavery that's ingrained in our DNA and may not go away. Whatever the reason, it is weakening our community and must stop.
Another situation has involved the struggle between heterosexual and gay black men going back to the Seventies. Although there may be a truce between them today due to changing social norms, tensions still exist. Straight black men often feel that gay black males get treated better in a white male-dominated society or are perceived as less of a threat and thus offered the best jobs, education, and other advantages, which is likely, true. Overall, they see them as a threat to black masculinity with their mannerisms, thoughts, or outward appearance.
Straight black men also fault gay and bisexual African American males for the rapid spread of HIV in black America. They contend that if members of the black LGBTQ community would practice safe sex or deal exclusively with their own, it would cut down on the high rates of AIDS in the black community since many of them transport the virus from prison once they reunite with women, which has a trickle-down effect in urban and rural areas, even though most experts blame the alarming rate of HIV infections among blacks to a lack of testing for the disease and access to the latest life-saving medications to treat it.
Gay black men, on the other hand, see their straight African American male counterparts as having the best of all worlds. They get acceptance from others or escape the ridicule of their sexual orientation or lifestyle and avoid relentless bullying as youth. They add that heterosexual black men also enjoy an advantage in the dating world as a broader community, especially in rural areas where gay communities may be virtually nonexistent.
Black men in the LGBTQ community also purport that if they excel in the workplace, it is because of their diligence in seeking education and nothing else. While some black boys may pin their hopes on sports or "rapping" to succeed or fall victim to crime, others who question their sexuality may spend more time hitting the books with less distraction, becoming well-sought-after lawyers, doctors, nurses, and scientists.
In addition to the crisis between straight and gay black men, exists a battle of the sexes in the black community. Some say it started in the 90s with black female discontent for black men and has ballooned today with the help of the internet as their boyfriends and husbands accuse them of having lost their identity or way in the world with their mode of dress for instance, or argumentative nature which makes them difficult or impossible to deal with. It's a troubling assessment that impacts marriage and family in black America as many black men choose to remain single or date outside their race.
Black women, in return, see African American men as stagnant or caught in limbo today. They point to the dwindling number of black men in corporate America or upper management, which affects their earning potential. However, many black men have worked traditionally in the blue-collar industry, where jobs have declined or been shipped overseas. In addition, black women accuse black men of not being willing to engage in committed relationships or that they would rather play the field despite black women's longing to be with them, although the great majority of them date or marry women of color.
Discontent in the black community, whether real or imagined, hits us especially hard. Asians, Hispanics, and whites are building businesses or shoring up capital for future generations instead of throwing shade, fighting over turf, or who looks the best in a lame attempt to fit in with the majority. Instead, we should focus on economic development, education, or redefining the black family.
Despite the mounting challenges, being black means the world to me. I've studied the history of my people since the third grade or wrote plays glorifying our lifestyle. Black music is what binds us, especially 70's Soul. It makes me smile, cry, or slip into serious thought. Our politics or protest build communities while our standing in the world unites others. Lastly, the business acumen we share, especially in the entertainment, government, and service sectors, provides a much-needed income. Let's hold tight to the values that make us whole instead of bickering or standing in the other's way.
I live in Atlanta, Georgia, the so-called black mecca, where I see things that contradict the supposed unity among us. I see it not just in the workplace or the home but in everyday life, from rude store clerks to a mass transit system that fails people of color. Blacks have also been pushed out of the city in record numbers despite black administrations. I could go on for days with other examples of dysfunction in our community, such as the scrounge of black-on-black crime.
But one should not jump to conclusions when it comes to violence in the black community. Most of it stems from disrespect either from other African Americans or those outside the community. The legacy of Jim Crow, for instance, has been flipped to make it seem as though we are the problem, and it never fails or even leads to issues like colorism.
Colorism, stamped out during the black and proud Sixties and Seventies, has risen again in the Twenty-First Century. Young black men often discredit dark skinned African American women on social media or refuse to date them in response to a baseless claim that lighter complexion is somehow superior, some say fueled by the Hip Hop culture. It has even begun to affect older generations of African Americans or how we interact with one another in business and dating.
What has caused this resurgence in our community that light skin is superior to darker skin? Some blame the Rap industry for the preponderance of fairer skin African American men and women portrayed in videos and on popular T.V. programs like Love and Hip Hop that present their standard of beauty. Others simply think it's an unfortunate outcome of slavery that's ingrained in our DNA and may not go away. Whatever the reason, it is weakening our community and must stop.
Another situation has involved the struggle between heterosexual and gay black men going back to the Seventies. Although there may be a truce between them today due to changing social norms, tensions still exist. Straight black men often feel that gay black males get treated better in a white male-dominated society or are perceived as less of a threat and thus offered the best jobs, education, and other advantages, which is likely, true. Overall, they see them as a threat to black masculinity with their mannerisms, thoughts, or outward appearance.
Straight black men also fault gay and bisexual African American males for the rapid spread of HIV in black America. They contend that if members of the black LGBTQ community would practice safe sex or deal exclusively with their own, it would cut down on the high rates of AIDS in the black community since many of them transport the virus from prison once they reunite with women, which has a trickle-down effect in urban and rural areas, even though most experts blame the alarming rate of HIV infections among blacks to a lack of testing for the disease and access to the latest life-saving medications to treat it.
Gay black men, on the other hand, see their straight African American male counterparts as having the best of all worlds. They get acceptance from others or escape the ridicule of their sexual orientation or lifestyle and avoid relentless bullying as youth. They add that heterosexual black men also enjoy an advantage in the dating world as a broader community, especially in rural areas where gay communities may be virtually nonexistent.
Black men in the LGBTQ community also purport that if they excel in the workplace, it is because of their diligence in seeking education and nothing else. While some black boys may pin their hopes on sports or "rapping" to succeed or fall victim to crime, others who question their sexuality may spend more time hitting the books with less distraction, becoming well-sought-after lawyers, doctors, nurses, and scientists.
In addition to the crisis between straight and gay black men, exists a battle of the sexes in the black community. Some say it started in the 90s with black female discontent for black men and has ballooned today with the help of the internet as their boyfriends and husbands accuse them of having lost their identity or way in the world with their mode of dress for instance, or argumentative nature which makes them difficult or impossible to deal with. It's a troubling assessment that impacts marriage and family in black America as many black men choose to remain single or date outside their race.
Black women, in return, see African American men as stagnant or caught in limbo today. They point to the dwindling number of black men in corporate America or upper management, which affects their earning potential. However, many black men have worked traditionally in the blue-collar industry, where jobs have declined or been shipped overseas. In addition, black women accuse black men of not being willing to engage in committed relationships or that they would rather play the field despite black women's longing to be with them, although the great majority of them date or marry women of color.
Discontent in the black community, whether real or imagined, hits us especially hard. Asians, Hispanics, and whites are building businesses or shoring up capital for future generations instead of throwing shade, fighting over turf, or who looks the best in a lame attempt to fit in with the majority. Instead, we should focus on economic development, education, or redefining the black family.
Despite the mounting challenges, being black means the world to me. I've studied the history of my people since the third grade or wrote plays glorifying our lifestyle. Black music is what binds us, especially 70's Soul. It makes me smile, cry, or slip into serious thought. Our politics or protest build communities while our standing in the world unites others. Lastly, the business acumen we share, especially in the entertainment, government, and service sectors, provides a much-needed income. Let's hold tight to the values that make us whole instead of bickering or standing in the other's way.
Sunday, August 5, 2018
New Melting Pots
There is a section of Atlanta called the historic West end where African Americans are being priced out due to gentrification.
On any given day, one will see African Americans, who are in the majority, frequent the mall, transit station, and red brick storefronts reminiscent of small towns in Georgia decades ago. It is one of the many areas of the city claimed by African Americans after whites fled for the suburbs in the 50s and 60s. Now they want it back. Before the white flight, blacks built proud neighborhoods, colleges, and small businesses alongside their white neighbors. Despite this, the elderly and misinformed may be forced to leave even though the last mayor, who was African American, told them to hold on to their homes for the next generation, while the present mayor, a black woman, is creating ways for seniors and the poor to stay in the houses they love.
However, she may hit a roadblock in her efforts to keep disadvantaged citizens in their homes in the West End and other parts of Atlanta. Home prices throughout the city have doubled or tripled following the housing slump due to a grave shortage of available new homes and a robust economy. When real estate prices increase, it adversely affects property taxes, forcing low-income residents to sell.
I moved to Atlanta's West End three years ago. I feared it beforehand. Since then, I have learned that it is sexy cool, and proper, like blacks in rural Georgia in the '60s and '70s. Adair Park, one of the area's best-kept secrets, has become a haven for black high school reunions and other get-togethers just down the street from where I live. The Mechanicsville and Pittsburgh neighborhoods, which survive as a testament to their middle and working-class roots before being hit by the crack and heroin epidemic of the eighties, are making a surprising comeback.
Martin Luther King, Jr. fought for the area in the sixties. He and others dramatized its poverty and neglect. He also praised its progress and bought a home near Morehouse College, where he attended school.
Like the Westend, other areas of Atlanta exist where African Americans have lost their footing in recent years or where there has been an influx of well-to-do newcomers. In the early 2000s, Kirkwood, Candler Park, and other communities on Atlanta's Eastside virtually flipped from majority black to majority white. Neighborhoods in The Old Fourth Ward on the city's Northside soon followed suit, with many of the poor unable to remain in the homes they had lived in for generations. It is a crisis the city must fix.
White and middle-class African Americans moving back to the inner city of Atlanta is o.k. as long as locals are not displaced. It could help strengthen communities or provide more opportunities for a better way of life. However, the primary goal should be to keep these areas intact so that lifelong residents and newcomers can enjoy them.
On any given day, one will see African Americans, who are in the majority, frequent the mall, transit station, and red brick storefronts reminiscent of small towns in Georgia decades ago. It is one of the many areas of the city claimed by African Americans after whites fled for the suburbs in the 50s and 60s. Now they want it back. Before the white flight, blacks built proud neighborhoods, colleges, and small businesses alongside their white neighbors. Despite this, the elderly and misinformed may be forced to leave even though the last mayor, who was African American, told them to hold on to their homes for the next generation, while the present mayor, a black woman, is creating ways for seniors and the poor to stay in the houses they love.
However, she may hit a roadblock in her efforts to keep disadvantaged citizens in their homes in the West End and other parts of Atlanta. Home prices throughout the city have doubled or tripled following the housing slump due to a grave shortage of available new homes and a robust economy. When real estate prices increase, it adversely affects property taxes, forcing low-income residents to sell.
I moved to Atlanta's West End three years ago. I feared it beforehand. Since then, I have learned that it is sexy cool, and proper, like blacks in rural Georgia in the '60s and '70s. Adair Park, one of the area's best-kept secrets, has become a haven for black high school reunions and other get-togethers just down the street from where I live. The Mechanicsville and Pittsburgh neighborhoods, which survive as a testament to their middle and working-class roots before being hit by the crack and heroin epidemic of the eighties, are making a surprising comeback.
Martin Luther King, Jr. fought for the area in the sixties. He and others dramatized its poverty and neglect. He also praised its progress and bought a home near Morehouse College, where he attended school.
Like the Westend, other areas of Atlanta exist where African Americans have lost their footing in recent years or where there has been an influx of well-to-do newcomers. In the early 2000s, Kirkwood, Candler Park, and other communities on Atlanta's Eastside virtually flipped from majority black to majority white. Neighborhoods in The Old Fourth Ward on the city's Northside soon followed suit, with many of the poor unable to remain in the homes they had lived in for generations. It is a crisis the city must fix.
White and middle-class African Americans moving back to the inner city of Atlanta is o.k. as long as locals are not displaced. It could help strengthen communities or provide more opportunities for a better way of life. However, the primary goal should be to keep these areas intact so that lifelong residents and newcomers can enjoy them.
Sunday, July 8, 2018
Georgia Leader Makes History
Georgia State Representative Stacy Abrams shocked the world of politics when she became the first African American woman nominated by a major party for governor and handily defeated her moderate Democratic rival, also a woman, in Georgia's Democratic Primary for what is expected to be an uphill battle for the state's governorship.
Abrams, however, made a name for herself long before her stunning victory in the Georgia Democratic Primary for governor.
Abrams' road to success started in her youth. She was raised by hardworking parents in Gulfport, Mississippi, and Atlanta, Georgia, who emphasized education and community involvement. As a high school honors student, she worked as a typist for a Congressional campaign and was promoted to speechwriter because of her writing ability and grasp of current events. After graduation, she enrolled in Spelman College to study Economics, Political Science, and Sociology. While there, she was hired by the mayor's office to mentor troubled youth. After graduating Magnum Cum Laude with a BA in Interdisciplinary Studies, she earned her J.D. from Yale University and later an MPA from the University of Texas-Austin, as she was on her way to stake her claim in law and politics.
She was hired by one of Atlanta's top law firms. She handled cases involving tax-exempt organizations, healthcare, and public finance. Abram was also appointed Deputy City Attorney for Atlanta in her twenties.
Abrams entered politics in 2006. She won a seat in the Georgia General Assembly as a State Representative and assumed office in 2007. One of her accomplishments has been to preserve Georgia's H.O.P.E. Scholarship, which helps deserving students pay for most of their college education. In 2011, Abrams' Democratic colleagues in the House voted her Minority Leader for her leadership ability.
After serving ten years in the Georgia General Assembly, Abrams threw her hat into the 2018 race for governor. She received over 70 percent of the vote against her moderate white female opponent in the State Democratic Primary by taking a progressive stance on education and economic development. She and other Democrats believe the party can take back the governor's office by energizing the base instead of reaching out to Conservatives against her potential GOP challenger, who's locked in a run-off. She will either face Secretary of State Brian Kemp, who's seen as a throwback to Georgia's segregationist past, or Lt. Governor Casey Cagle, who has the backing of the GOP establishment.
Whomever Abrams faces in the general election for governor of Georgia, Democrats realize it will be a hard-fought battle. She will have to run up the score in Metro Atlanta, pick off predominantly black counties in middle and South Georgia, and do well in communities where blacks are half the population. She must also pound away at issues important to all Georgians. By doing so, she will be the victor.
Source: Wikipedia
Abrams, however, made a name for herself long before her stunning victory in the Georgia Democratic Primary for governor.
Abrams' road to success started in her youth. She was raised by hardworking parents in Gulfport, Mississippi, and Atlanta, Georgia, who emphasized education and community involvement. As a high school honors student, she worked as a typist for a Congressional campaign and was promoted to speechwriter because of her writing ability and grasp of current events. After graduation, she enrolled in Spelman College to study Economics, Political Science, and Sociology. While there, she was hired by the mayor's office to mentor troubled youth. After graduating Magnum Cum Laude with a BA in Interdisciplinary Studies, she earned her J.D. from Yale University and later an MPA from the University of Texas-Austin, as she was on her way to stake her claim in law and politics.
She was hired by one of Atlanta's top law firms. She handled cases involving tax-exempt organizations, healthcare, and public finance. Abram was also appointed Deputy City Attorney for Atlanta in her twenties.
Abrams entered politics in 2006. She won a seat in the Georgia General Assembly as a State Representative and assumed office in 2007. One of her accomplishments has been to preserve Georgia's H.O.P.E. Scholarship, which helps deserving students pay for most of their college education. In 2011, Abrams' Democratic colleagues in the House voted her Minority Leader for her leadership ability.
After serving ten years in the Georgia General Assembly, Abrams threw her hat into the 2018 race for governor. She received over 70 percent of the vote against her moderate white female opponent in the State Democratic Primary by taking a progressive stance on education and economic development. She and other Democrats believe the party can take back the governor's office by energizing the base instead of reaching out to Conservatives against her potential GOP challenger, who's locked in a run-off. She will either face Secretary of State Brian Kemp, who's seen as a throwback to Georgia's segregationist past, or Lt. Governor Casey Cagle, who has the backing of the GOP establishment.
Whomever Abrams faces in the general election for governor of Georgia, Democrats realize it will be a hard-fought battle. She will have to run up the score in Metro Atlanta, pick off predominantly black counties in middle and South Georgia, and do well in communities where blacks are half the population. She must also pound away at issues important to all Georgians. By doing so, she will be the victor.
Source: Wikipedia
Saturday, June 16, 2018
Democrats, Republicans Battle In Georgia
Like other states, Georgia is embroiled in a mid-season election that could be one of the most contentious in State history.
Democrats and Republicans have been charged with fighting for the soul of their party or steering it to the hard right or left.
After a heated primary contest, Republicans are pitting two bitter rivals against each other in the run-off for the GOP nomination for governor. Secretary of State Brian Kemp, while running one of the most discouraging campaigns in Georgia history, will face Lt. Governor Casey Cagle in July. Earlier in the campaign, Kemp ran an ad promising to round up illegal immigrants in his pickup truck and take them back across the border to Mexico, which garnered him national attention. He also displayed a rifle in one commercial in support of the Second Amendment. The candidate labels himself an unapologetic, unconventional conservative in the spirit of Trump.
On the other hand, Lt. Governor Casey Cagle, who finished first among Republicans in the primary for governor and has the backing of the GOP standard-bearer, has pledged to run a more conventional race for the state's highest office. Unlike Kemp, Cagle promises not to engage in gimmicks to get votes but to emphasize Georgia's growing economy, a need to strengthen public education, and a sensible approach to immigration to not offend other groups in a state that is becoming less white, unlike others in the GOP. If he succeeds, he will have the help of moderates or independent voters to thank.
Like Republicans, Democrats seem divided on how to take back the governorship. Stacy Abrams, who defeated her Democratic rival handily in the primary to become the first African American woman nominated by a major party for governor, ran a back-to-the-basics campaign that she plans to continue in the general election. Abrams thinks Democrats can win without pandering to Republicans or moderates due to shifting demographics and a hatred for Trump that looks promising for the Democratic Party. She feels that reaching out to other groups has not worked in the past and that it is best to energize the base. But regardless of Abram's big victory over her more conservative opponent, there are still those in her ranks who strongly feel she will have to appeal to outsiders in what is expected to be a tight race to help close the gap. They have big plans if she wins and doesn't want to leave anything to chance.
Whether Republicans hold on to the governorship in Georgia or Democrats upstage them, the State will be on a markedly different course for the first time since 1970.
Democrats and Republicans have been charged with fighting for the soul of their party or steering it to the hard right or left.
After a heated primary contest, Republicans are pitting two bitter rivals against each other in the run-off for the GOP nomination for governor. Secretary of State Brian Kemp, while running one of the most discouraging campaigns in Georgia history, will face Lt. Governor Casey Cagle in July. Earlier in the campaign, Kemp ran an ad promising to round up illegal immigrants in his pickup truck and take them back across the border to Mexico, which garnered him national attention. He also displayed a rifle in one commercial in support of the Second Amendment. The candidate labels himself an unapologetic, unconventional conservative in the spirit of Trump.
On the other hand, Lt. Governor Casey Cagle, who finished first among Republicans in the primary for governor and has the backing of the GOP standard-bearer, has pledged to run a more conventional race for the state's highest office. Unlike Kemp, Cagle promises not to engage in gimmicks to get votes but to emphasize Georgia's growing economy, a need to strengthen public education, and a sensible approach to immigration to not offend other groups in a state that is becoming less white, unlike others in the GOP. If he succeeds, he will have the help of moderates or independent voters to thank.
Like Republicans, Democrats seem divided on how to take back the governorship. Stacy Abrams, who defeated her Democratic rival handily in the primary to become the first African American woman nominated by a major party for governor, ran a back-to-the-basics campaign that she plans to continue in the general election. Abrams thinks Democrats can win without pandering to Republicans or moderates due to shifting demographics and a hatred for Trump that looks promising for the Democratic Party. She feels that reaching out to other groups has not worked in the past and that it is best to energize the base. But regardless of Abram's big victory over her more conservative opponent, there are still those in her ranks who strongly feel she will have to appeal to outsiders in what is expected to be a tight race to help close the gap. They have big plans if she wins and doesn't want to leave anything to chance.
Whether Republicans hold on to the governorship in Georgia or Democrats upstage them, the State will be on a markedly different course for the first time since 1970.
Sunday, May 6, 2018
African Americans and the Law
African Americans have endured the downside of law enforcement since slavery. Whether it was the slave catcher, the Northern police, the Southern sheriff during Jim Crow, or the angry patrolmen of today, we have encountered negative policing with the battle scars to prove it.
The desperate relationship between African Americans and the police, which seems to have worsened in recent years, won't get any better as long as law enforcement refuses to do a full-scale inspection or see anything wrong, which means we must divide and conquer to succeed.
I am not advocating violence or massive resistance to bring about change in the country's legal system, or that we get caught up in the hype of fighting law enforcement in the streets. Instead, bad officers must be rooted out by the courts or internal affairs with irrefutable evidence of wrongdoings in conjunction with community policing. Peaceful marches to uphold the Constitution could also prove helpful even in a country bitterly divided.
Appealing to the U.S. State Department or the United Nations may be another option to dramatize police brutality in the U.S. Other people or nations utilize such bodies to bring about international pressure or changes in human rights. It would embarrass the U.S. in the eyes of Russia, China, North Korea, and other adversaries.
Lastly, we must condemn violence in the black community, which is often met with improper law enforcement tactics. Many law enforcement officers, black or white, see the black community through a tainted lens of crime, unemployment, and broken families instead of areas suffering the effects of years of neglect. As a result, they may employ undue pressure to restrain suspects or other forms of disrespect.
Law enforcement represents the last vestige of Jim Crow in America, or the mistreatment of a group of Americans seemingly based on color. It will only end with proper tactics or efforts needed to effect change, such as pitting good officers against bad ones and exposing corruption where it exists. It is a fight we must never give up when the cards are stacked against us.
In retrospect, there is a movement in America right now aimed at teaching young black men how to react when confronted by cops that I would like to touch on. Yes, they must respect the law, but why aren't white or Asian young males being taught the same lesson? Black men deserve the respect of other races of men when stopped or questioned by officers of the law because anything less than that is a return to slavery.
The desperate relationship between African Americans and the police, which seems to have worsened in recent years, won't get any better as long as law enforcement refuses to do a full-scale inspection or see anything wrong, which means we must divide and conquer to succeed.
I am not advocating violence or massive resistance to bring about change in the country's legal system, or that we get caught up in the hype of fighting law enforcement in the streets. Instead, bad officers must be rooted out by the courts or internal affairs with irrefutable evidence of wrongdoings in conjunction with community policing. Peaceful marches to uphold the Constitution could also prove helpful even in a country bitterly divided.
Appealing to the U.S. State Department or the United Nations may be another option to dramatize police brutality in the U.S. Other people or nations utilize such bodies to bring about international pressure or changes in human rights. It would embarrass the U.S. in the eyes of Russia, China, North Korea, and other adversaries.
Lastly, we must condemn violence in the black community, which is often met with improper law enforcement tactics. Many law enforcement officers, black or white, see the black community through a tainted lens of crime, unemployment, and broken families instead of areas suffering the effects of years of neglect. As a result, they may employ undue pressure to restrain suspects or other forms of disrespect.
Law enforcement represents the last vestige of Jim Crow in America, or the mistreatment of a group of Americans seemingly based on color. It will only end with proper tactics or efforts needed to effect change, such as pitting good officers against bad ones and exposing corruption where it exists. It is a fight we must never give up when the cards are stacked against us.
In retrospect, there is a movement in America right now aimed at teaching young black men how to react when confronted by cops that I would like to touch on. Yes, they must respect the law, but why aren't white or Asian young males being taught the same lesson? Black men deserve the respect of other races of men when stopped or questioned by officers of the law because anything less than that is a return to slavery.
Sunday, April 1, 2018
Morris Brown College
Many African American colleges and universities founded during the aftermath of slavery no longer exist today. Most fell victim to a lack of funding and integration, which expanded educational opportunities for blacks. Others were forced to combine with nearby predominantly white institutions to stay afloat or retain some semblance of their past.
Morris Brown College in Atlanta, Georgia, established in 1881, is one of those HBCUs holding on by a thread and may be forced to close its doors. The school that once hosted WEB Du Bois is a shell of its former self. The iconic stadium, dorms, and most classroom buildings are no longer in use or dilapidated, like an episode of Life Without People. Its remaining faculty and students number less than a hundred. In its heyday, it educated future doctors, lawyers, and teachers who would go on to make a contribution to their community.
The school's downward spiral or descent into oblivion started in the 1990s. First, it faced financial woes, which may have been due to the mismanagement of funds. Things got so bad that it could not pay its water bill. The final blow occurred when MBC lost its accreditation in 2002, and support from the United Negro College fund dried up, forcing nearly all students to flee for greener pastures elsewhere.
The shame surrounding MBC's steep decline is that the black community has lost or is in the process of losing another great institution of higher learning. Just think about the thousands of young men and women who called it home or found their place in the world, dating back generations. They studied hard, joined fraternities and sororities, partied well into the night, played sports, or met their first love. It was ours, one of our best, where a few die-hard pupils and teachers hung on until the bitter end.
Let's save MBC and others like it in the future. Yes, they are relevant in a society ripping apart.
Morris Brown College in Atlanta, Georgia, established in 1881, is one of those HBCUs holding on by a thread and may be forced to close its doors. The school that once hosted WEB Du Bois is a shell of its former self. The iconic stadium, dorms, and most classroom buildings are no longer in use or dilapidated, like an episode of Life Without People. Its remaining faculty and students number less than a hundred. In its heyday, it educated future doctors, lawyers, and teachers who would go on to make a contribution to their community.
The school's downward spiral or descent into oblivion started in the 1990s. First, it faced financial woes, which may have been due to the mismanagement of funds. Things got so bad that it could not pay its water bill. The final blow occurred when MBC lost its accreditation in 2002, and support from the United Negro College fund dried up, forcing nearly all students to flee for greener pastures elsewhere.
The shame surrounding MBC's steep decline is that the black community has lost or is in the process of losing another great institution of higher learning. Just think about the thousands of young men and women who called it home or found their place in the world, dating back generations. They studied hard, joined fraternities and sororities, partied well into the night, played sports, or met their first love. It was ours, one of our best, where a few die-hard pupils and teachers hung on until the bitter end.
Let's save MBC and others like it in the future. Yes, they are relevant in a society ripping apart.
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The 1970s have been described as a wild and wacky decade that pushed societal boundaries. After a rollercoaster experience, Americans br...
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Social Security, created in 1935 as a safety net for Americans in their golden years, has been a target of Republicans for generations. Duri...
