Trends in American Politics

The Democratic Party is lost in the wilderness with no leader or impetus for the future.  It bungled a national election and a string of off-season contests it ought to have won.  Like in 1992,  Democrats must devise a strategy to reconnect with the American people or escape the doldrums of electoral defeat.

But the Democratic Party isn't the only political institution in trouble in America.  The Republican Party,  thanks to Trump and others, has lost its way too.

With both parties at a crossroads,  what must they do to survive or escape impending doom? 

Democrats need to do a host of things to get back into the good graces of the American people.  They must first fight Trump on healthcare, taxes, and other issues popular with Americans.  At least 60% of respondents in a recent poll, for instance, say they don't want to see Obamacare overhauled or repealed by Congress.  Rather,  they support minor adjustments that would strengthen the plan along with a fairer tax code for poor and middle-class filers to be able to afford life-saving drugs.

Next,  the Democratic Party must scale back its involvement in the culture war to attract more of a share of middle-of-the-road voters.  Instead of focusing all their energy on gay rights,  the environment, or other social issues that have been decided by the courts or enjoy widespread public support,  Democrats must lead the fight for jobs,  affordable health care, and safer streets for all Americans.  And in foreign policy,  progressives need to check Putin, the leader of Russia,  and battle Isis at any cost.

Also, Democrats cannot afford to trivialize their supporters or take them for granted if they want to recapture the White House.  This is why the party fell short in traditionally blue states like Pennsylvania,  Wisconsin, and Michigan in the 2016 general election.  And what many progressives don't realize is that African Americans, a top voting bloc for the Democratic Party,  are conservative on most social issues,  especially in the rural South, and could be slowly slipping away, as evidenced by the last presidential campaign. 

Like African Americans,  women,  who usually vote Democratic in large numbers,  have also begun to question the goals of the Democratic Party and have demonstrated their frustration by voting increasingly for Republicans. Unless they bridge the gender gap or hold on to the support they already have,  Democrats will lose again in 2020.

Republicans will also need to hit the reset button on their relationship with the general public even though they control all three branches of government.  Most Americans expect leadership from the G.O.P. involving  Russia,  healthcare, and jobs, and that Conservatives will be willing to work with others to achieve it.

Although Trump captivated the so-called silent majority with his unorthodox campaign,  traditional Republicans, many of whom didn't support his candidacy, want their party to stand up to the president or hold his feet to the fire, especially on whether or not the president's team colluded with Russia to win the 2016 presidential election.  If the answer proves to be yes,  they would like to see the guilty punished because Russian meddling in U. S. affairs could not only spell an end to democracy but give the former Soviet Union a leg up in foreign policy if the commander in chief has something to hide.

Aside from Russia,  the American people want Republicans to seek bipartisanship or work across the aisle with Democrats to bring about positive change in America. The general public wants the G.O.P. to craft a plan with Democratic leaders to fix Obamacare or reign in high premiums rather than scrapping it altogether.  Americans also want joint action on jobs, infrastructure, and the environment.  Without it, the less of a chance to put large segments of society back to work,  which is what the country voted for.

Finally,  to achieve true bipartisanship on Capitol Hill,  there may have to be a shake-up at the top of the G.O.P., as many have indicated.  Some think Mitch McConnell should step down as Senate Majority Leader not just for blocking many of Obama's initiatives, including judicial appointments but for his inability to build a consensus among Democrats and Republicans on health care, Russia, and other hot-button issues that usually divide the nation

The same may be said of Republican House Speaker Paul Ryan,  who's often cited for not being tough enough on Trump. He's also been accused of getting bogged down in conservative ideology instead of reaching out to opposing members of Congress for their ideas or input on issues critical to the American people.

With an ongoing civil war in the Republican Party touched off by President Trump and an identity crisis among Democrats,  what does the future hold for American Democracy?

Why Clinton lost to Trump

When Hillary Clinton lost the presidential election,  it sent shock waves around the world.  No one thought she would lose to a candidate as unprepared as Trump to lead the most powerful nation on Earth.  It was the biggest upset in presidential politics since 1948. And while the last votes were counted,  speculation mounted as to why one of the most qualified candidates to seek the White House could not seal the deal.

Political pundits and others who eat, sleep, and breathe politics blamed everything from incorrect polling to an undercurrent of angry whites who tipped the election in Trump's favor.  While in reality,  Clinton's defeat was due to a cross-section of Americans disgusted with the status quo and lacked trust in the Democratic nominee.

To begin with,  Clinton carried the African American vote in large numbers during the Democratic primaries in the deep South, but in the North,  she struggled to gain black support.  In Michigan, for instance, at least 30 percent of black voters backed Sen. Sanders in the State's primary,  which played a role in her losing the contest.  By November,  discontent for the Democratic nominee had become widespread among African Americans, with a dip in voter turnout. 

Many African Americans,  especially in large Northern cities, fault Clinton for her husband's policies or measures he supported while president of the United States.  The Clinton presidency is often credited with the start of the New Jim Crow in America, as generations of young black men were imprisoned on minor drug charges or fell victim to gross disparities in federal sentencing guidelines regarding crack and powder cocaine possession.  Habitual offender laws also went into effect during Clinton's term,  which impacts people of color and the poor,  who often lack the resources to fight unlawful arrests or convictions.  Lastly,  welfare reform,  signed into law by Bill Clinton in 1994,  unfairly penalizes classes of Americans facing great difficulty in the job market.

The 2008 Democratic Primaries between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama also left a bitter taste in the mouth of African Americans.   The South Carolina primary,  for instance,  ended in a slugfest between the candidates with nasty allegations on both sides.  The Obama campaign,  in a desperate attempt for African American support, took to black radio with a flurry of attacks on Clinton's ability to lead as former president Bill Clinton was accused of injecting race into the campaign, which antagonized African American leaders and likely led to Senator Clinton's defeat in a State with a heavy black population.  The election outcome severely damaged race relations in the region,  which had national implications for Democrats in 2016.

In addition to lingering hostilities from the 2008 campaign and issues with her husband's presidency,  African Americans linked Clinton in the 2016 race to Obama's disappointing record on crime and jobs in the black community as a former cabinet member.  The White House was seen as dragging its feet in confronting Stop and Frisk tactics across the country that targeted minorities,  a rash of police shootings of unarmed black men throughout America, and deadly street violence in Chicago,  Baltimore, and other major cities,  with Secretary Clinton receiving some of the blame. Others bashed the president for not using the bully pulpit to expand economic opportunities in the black community in the wake of massive Republican opposition. And when the Clinton Campaign neglected to offer fresh alternatives in the way of jobs or how best to stop the migration of companies abroad,  it diminished the candidate in the eyes of a community suffering economically. 

A diverse group of whites abandoned Clinton as well on election day.  It made the difference in Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin when untold numbers of the middle class and poor white voters,  many of whom voted for Obama twice,  failed to show up for Secretary Clinton because of questionable trade deals she once supported,  her backing of social issues deemed outdated to the heartland, and Trump's hope-filled message of making American great again or rebuilding the rust belt.  Had the former first lady simply camped out in the Midwest or distant herself more forcefully from NAFTA or similar policies unpopular with countless hardworking Americans, for instance,  she might be president today.

The Hispanic vote may have been the biggest disappointment for the Clinton campaign on election night, given the harsh criticism the community received from Trump. Their numbers were outmatched by a surge in rural white voting and possible voter intimidation to keep Hispanics from the polls, such as threats of deportation, even for those in this country legally.  Had such not been the case,  Clinton would have likely carried Florida to offset states she lost in the Midwest and could be president today.

Overall,  Americans may have been scared off by reports regarding Clinton's time as secretary of state, including the Comey Letter, as some Democrats have indicated.  When the former FBI director reopened Clinton's email investigation days before the election,  it was seen as a cheap shop by Democratic leaders,  who believed it shocked voters into supporting Trump.  And when Mr. Comey found no wrongdoing on Clinton's part,  the damage had been done.

To win in 2020,  Democrats must get out the vote with a charismatic figure who can turn the tide in states the Democratic Party usually carries that Clinton lost by razor-thin margins.

Politics In Georgia

In the Sixth District Congressional runoff race in Georgia,  Democrat Jon Ossoff has surpassed his Republican opponent in the polls, which could have national implications if he wins.  

Ossoff,  who captured 49% of the vote in a special election to fill the vacancy of Republican Congressman Tom Price,  has pledged to increase tech jobs in the state,  raise the minimum rage, and work across the aisle to bring down the deficit, which he says kills job growth.  His Republican opponent,  Karen Handle,  has committed herself to the repeal Obamacare if elected and cutting taxes for those in the highest income brackets.  Most Georgians,  however,  favor Medicaid expansion like Ossoff and coverage for Americans with pre-existing conditions as provided in the Affordable Care Act.  Ossoff also wants to join forces with Republicans and the military to stamp out Isis.

A victory by Ossoff in a district that hasn't elected a Democrat since the Carter Administration could be seen as a referendum on the Trump Administration and the Georgia GOP.  It could serve as a warning to what the rest of the country thinks regarding health care,  immigration, and jobs.  It may also mean that independent voters are crossing over to Democrats in the State if he wins or that it's becoming blue again.

Whether or not Ossoff takes Georgia's Sixth District,  he may one day consider running for governor of the State.  He finished far ahead in a crowded field of Democrats and Republicans in the special election, including Republican  Karen Handle, who got just 20 % of the vote.  He could be the progressive's best shot at moving the state solidly into the 21st Century with his emphasis on education,  growing the local economy, and improving healthcare for all in Georgia.

Paine College

When we think of historically black colleges and universities in Georgia,  the A.U. Center,  a consortium of private African American institutions of higher learning in Atlanta, or one of the State's public HBCUs usually comes to mind.

We seldom mention Paine College, the other historically black institution in the State. 

Paine,  founded in 1882 by the Methodist Church,  has produced some of the country's most notable figures in Civil rights, the Arts, and government despite being off the beaten path.  Joseph Lowery,  a leader of the Montgomery Bus Boycott and president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference from 1977 to 1997,  attended school there, as did Mike Thurmond,  Georgia's first African American labor commissioner, who graduated in 1975.  Others include, but are not limited to,  journalist Louis Lomax ('42),  Civil Rights activist and Spingarn Medal recipient Channing Tobias (1902),  world-renowned writer Frank Yerby (1937),  and Emma Gresham,  a member of the class of 1953,  who ran successfully for mayor of Keysville,  Georgia,  her tiny hometown in 1985,  only to be stripped of her position by a superior court judge when white citizens disputed the boundaries of the town.  Her victory was later upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1990 when Keysville's city limits were affirmed based on oral history.  She upgraded city infrastructure, such as water and sewage, and surprised her neighbors with a new post office.

Paine's sixty-five-acre campus, in the thriving community of Augusta, Georgia, is listed on the National Register of Historic Places "for its contribution to education and African American heritage,"  according to Wikipedia.  Throughout its 135-year history, Paine has welcomed students from all walks of life to its legendary campus and has watched them change the world in science,  government, and technology.   Like other HBCUs over the years,  it has provided a rich environment not just in the classroom but in athletics and student organizations or has simply given young people a place to call home.

Sadly,  Paine may be forced to close its doors soon.  The HBCU has suffered financial hardship in recent years, causing it to be placed on probation by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools(SACS), with the possibility of losing accreditation if it doesn't get its financial house in order.  As a result,  Paine's enrollment has dropped to around 500 students prompting the cancellation of the Fighting Lions football team.

I first heard of Paine,  one of Georgia's best-kept secrets,  as a student in high school.  A social studies teacher of mine had gone there and sang its praises.  We should do the same or "rejoice in hope" like the school motto.

Trends in Georgia Higher Education

African American students in Georgia have always looked forward to attending a historically black college or university in the University System of Georgia.  Many have enrolled as first-generation college students or followed a path set by their parents.  But with a unique phenomenon now taking place in the State,  such may no longer be the case.

Historically black State institutions of higher learning in Georgia may be forced to combine with predominantly white public colleges and universities to help reduce cost or overlapping services if the Board of Regents has its way. It could spell the end of one endangered HBCU's motto of "education on a personal level."

Only Albany State University,  one of three State-supported HBCUs in Georgia,  has seen its mission altered thus far when it merged with Darton State College in  2015, a predominantly white institution on the city's Westside, with ASU as its flagship campus. It has expanded course offerings in nursing,  biology, and education, making it a force to be reckoned with in Southwest Georgia.  The two campuses recently combined athletic teams to serve a student body of nearly eight thousand men and women.  It should translate into jobs in an area suffering economically.

Savannah State University,  another of Georgia's three State-funded HBCUs, is being considered for a merger with mostly white Armstrong State,  a public university also in Savannah.  With the consolidation of other institutions in proximity to each other already finalized by the  Board of Regents,  Savannah State, and Armstrong may not escape their fate despite being located on Georgia's booming coast.  But unlike Albany and other places where downsizing has become the new normal on the college level,  Savannah boasts old money capable of fighting such a move,  which could make it to the State capital.  If the two institutions should become one, it could lead to an educational powerhouse in the State's oldest city,  with better opportunities for those in the area. 

Lastly, historically black Fort Valley State University may be spared due to logistics and politics. There is no compatible institution nearby that hasn't merged. For instance, Macon State College recently joined forces with Middle Georgia State College in nearby Cochran.  In addition,  African Americans in Georgia may insist that at least one state-sponsored HBCU remain intact to welcome students from challenging backgrounds.

Reaction to the likely mergers has been mostly positive so far,  which could bolster post-secondary education in the state.

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